TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER 1- INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background ……………………………………………………………………9
1.2 Statement of Problem…………………………………………………………..11
1.3 Objectives of Study…………………………………………………………….12
1.4 Research Questions…………………………………………………………….12
1.5 Research Hypothesis…………………………………………………………..12
1.6 Significance of the Study……………………………………………………….13
1.7 Scope of the Study……………………………………………………………..13
1.8 Limitations to the Study………………………………………………………..14
1.9 Organization of the Study………………………………………………………15
1.10 Definition of Terms……………………………………………………………15
CHAPTER 2- LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………………….17
2.2 Conceptual Clarification……………………………………………………….17
2.2.1 Scramble and New Scramble for Africa……………………………………..17
2.2.2 The Politics and Struggle between United States and China…………………22
2.2.3 Globalization………………………………………………………………….30
2.3Theoretical Framework…………………………………………………………..33
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2.3.1 Dependency Theory……………………………………………………………33
2.3.2 Neorealist Theory………………………………………………………………35
CHAPTER 3- METHODOLOGY
3.1 Introduction……………………………………………………………………39
3.2 Historical Background of the case study……………………………………….39
3.3 Restatement of hypothesis ……………………………………………………..40
3.4 Method of research……………………………………………………………..40
3.5 Research design………………………………………………………………..41
3.6 Population………………………………………………………………………41
3.7 Research instrument…………………………………………………………….41
CHAPTER FOUR
4.1 Introduction……………………………………………………………………..43
4.2 Conclusion………………………………………………………………………59
4.3 Outcome………………………………………………………………………….60
CHAPTER FIVE
5.1 Summary of findings……………………………………………………………63
5.2 Recommendations……………………………………………………………….64
BIBLIOGRAPHY……………………………………………………………………..65
ABSTRACT
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Without much ado, Africa has evolved as the epicenter of the 21st century scramble. And this is so
since the major powers, particularly China and the US scrambled for African units in order to
securitize their oil and gas resources intake. Although the US has discovered and is presently
exploiting shale oil within its confines; however, it still forms part of the neo-scramblers for several
African units, especially because of the large market and their being festooned with cornucopia of
several other mineral resources which are necessary for the sustenance of the dimension of
development being witnessed globally in the present.
Against this backdrop, existing literature have demonstrated that African units – especially the oil
producing states- would enjoy a win-win relationship with the extra-African powers. Without
disregard for existing views on the benefits that would accrue to African countries, especially Angola,
in the ongoing extra-regional powers-African relationships, this study seeks to demonstrate that the
ongoing relationships, oily one particularly, between Angola and China and the US consist of some
negative contents, some of which are presently manifesting. In the bid to achieve this research goal,
this study adopts both primary and secondary sources of data gathering.
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CHAPTER ONE
1.1BACKGROUND
The scramble for Africa can be explained according to historical documents as a period of rapid
colonization of territories and this is in line with the belief that man is a political animal that will
continue to struggle for survival; hence the survival of the fittest. Having noted that, it is therefore
understandable to a large extent the reason why states in the international system sought to expand
their territories which in turn led to the scramble. The scramble is colonization for three basic reasons;
political, economic and religious expansion. Africa has been and is still the ground for international
exploits and this has affected the economy of nations within it for ill or good. States that possess the
power in the International system have maintained their positions through the level of influence they
possess in the international system. This is done through influencing of various political leaders and in
turn the affairs of their various states in other to achieve their personal interest. This however, has led
to anarchy in the international system as there is the expression of Egotism and ‗flexing of muscles‘.
States display this by use of Power Politics.
On the other hand, the contemporary international system is different from what it used to be. States
are a lot more liberal in their relationship with other states because there is now the presence of
International Institutions guiding the conduct of state relations so as to prevent the outbreak of war
(although this was unsuccessful twice in 1914 and 1939).
Based on the foregoing, it can be assumed that Africa has always been under the control of the
superpowers and has been used as a pawn in the hands of the bigger states. The new scramble for
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Africa manifested much more in the 21st century and has been aided by the era of globalization. Africa
has been and is still struggling to catch up with the pace of development and modern technology of the
modern age. Take, for example the fact that most of the African states do not fully understand the
concept of liberal democracy and are still having to cope with incidents of civil war .A good example
is the subject of this project, Angola. The country is known to have suffered major civil unrest since its
independence. However in recent times, it is known to be one of the oil producing countries to reckon
with. As at 2008, Angola was said to be the fifth largest supplier of oil to U.S. (two places above
Nigeria) also it became the largest exporter of oil to China (taking the place of Saudi Arabia). The
relationship between Angola‘s oil production and its internal crisis is based on the role of transnational
oil corporations.
Angola has therefore been vulnerable to the super powers in the international system because it does
not fully understand what it is to be a war free state. However, most states in the international system
had not only gained independence years ago, but have grown to become better states based on the
evolution of the international system. China‘s relations with Angola began politically during the era of
anti-colonial struggle when it supported three liberation movements; FNLA (National Front for the
liberation of Angola), MPLA (Popular Movement for the liberation of Angola) and UNITA (National
Union for the Total Independence of Angola). These relations were however defined by the cold war
era. Up until 1960s when the UNITA and FNLA became the only two recognized liberation
movements, China mainly supported the MPLA. After the recognition of the two liberation groups
China reduced, perhaps even totally withdrew, all support from the MPLA. Attention and resources
were focused on the two recognized groups (Corkin, 2011).
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After Angola gained its independence, China refused to acknowledge its independence, however,
relations between the two countries only improved in the 1990s. it can be said that China‘s relations
with Angola was only a military and security based one until after the crisis in 2002 when it shifted to
an economic relationship. On March 4th 2004, china granted loan to Angola worth two billion dollars
for reforming its damaged infrastructure. That move by the Chinese government is said to have
strengthened the bilateral ties between the two countries and has led to the signing of various
diplomatic treaties. It has also led to the creation of embassies both in China from Angola and
otherwise. Also in 2007, china granted and oil backed loan to Angola in order for the country.
1.2STATEMENT OF PROBLEM
Against the backdrop of the Africa becoming the epicenter of the scramble for oil and some other
mineral resources, several studies have been conducted into how the 21st century scramble affects the
continent and its units, particularly the oil producing countries, Angola inclusive. This majorly, has
been on the basis of the implications that the presence and interests of the major powers would have
on the continent and some of its units. However, there has been scanty literature on how the presence
of China and the United States, two important players in the neo-scramble for Africa, in Angola
impacts on the country; hence this study. As such, this study seeks to demonstrate the grave
implications that the politico-economic dimension of the US and China‘s scramble for oil and gas
resources in Angola might have on the country.
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1.3OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
The specific objectives of the study are to:
1. examine the growing importance of the continent to national, regional and global security;
2. identify the complex issues involved in the international politics of oil in Angola; and to
3. analyze the politico-economic and security implications engendered by the different American
and Chinese interests and presence in Angola for the country.
1.4RESEARCH QUESTIONS
1. In your opinion, how would you regard the 21st century race for resources in Africa?
2. Which countries are the major scramblers for the continent?
3. How has the neo-scramble for the continent impact on the numerous African oil and gas
producing states?
4. What implications would the intensification of American and Chinese presence and
interests in Angola engender for African units, particularly Angola?
5. In the light of the deepening of US and China‘s interests in the country, how is Angola
responding to the myriad challenges triggered by the growing involvement of external
interests in its confines?
1.5RESEARCH HYPOTHESIS
For the purpose of this research study, the research work is going to make use of Null hypothesis (H0)
and Alternative hypothesis (H1).
H0. Oil is not an instrument in the new scramble for Africa
H1. Oil is an instrument in the new scramble for Africa.
H0. There is no oil politics in Angola
H1. There is oil politics in Angola
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1.6SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY
The significance of the study is to explain the entire idea of the ‗new scramble‘ for African resources;
oil amongst others. The study is to explain the political perspectives of the concept. Here we will
understand when the scramble began and what led to its development. The stages of the exploitation of
the African continent shall also be explained, how it all began from imperialism down to the 21st
century form of globalization. This study is also to discuss the major actors in the exploitation of the
Angolan oil such as United States, china. Majorly, the study shall discuss the significance of oil in the
current International system and its implications as an instrument in the new scramble for Africa,
especially in Angola.
1.7SCOPEOFSTUDY
The concept of discussion is diversified, however, for vivid understanding; the special scope of this
study shall be Angola. Angola is also known as the Republic of Angola has about 20.2 million
populations (U.N, 2012). Its capital is in Luanda and its main exports are Oil, diamonds, minerals,
coffee, fish and timber. Angola has, over the years, been an exploitation ground for major powers
including United States and China. United States on one hand is known to establish and maintain not
only it‘s ideologies but also its position as the largest economy in the world. Closely behind however,
is China being the second largest economy in the world.
One of the obvious differences between U.S and China is that U.S on one hand is known to fight and
interfere in governments that go against not only it‘s ideologies but that on the contemporary
14
international system. China on the other hand is a communist state that does not dabble or wish to
interfere in the internal affairs of other states. This is why when it comes to harnessing resources,
economic interest is first in China‘s list. The temporal scope shall be 21st century. It should be noted
that facts and figures from past or historical papers could be subject to discussion in order to explain
the present situation. Statistics will be made and gradations will be given.
1.8LIMITATIONS OF STUDY
A major limitation to this study was the unresponsive attitude of the varying nationals of Angola,
United States and China, whom were met for either in-depth interview or the administration of copies
of questionnaire. This impediment was undermined through the in-depth interviews with some
research staff of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), and some senior cadre officials
of the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR), both in Lagos.
1.9ORGANISATION OF STUDY
This study is a five-chapter work with the general introduction covered in Chapter one. Chapter two
will have a discussion of literature review. Chapter three is for methodology while Chapter four is for
interview presentation. Finally, Chapter five will cover summary of findings, conclusion,
recommendations and suggestions.
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1.10DEFINTION OF TERMS
Oil is essential in modern economy, providing, among other things, the foundation for transportation
systems that facilitate human mobility. The discovery of petroleum and invention of the internal
combustion engine radically transformed human existence in the 20th century, providing for individual
mobility across wide geographic areas. Oil has facilitated the modern industrial economy and yet
given rise to negative externalities
REFERENCES
Administration, U. S. (2014). Angola. United States: UEIA.
Corkin, L. (2011). China and Angola; strategic partnership of marriage of convinience? Angola Brief ,
1-4 .
Henning Melber, R. S. (2009). A New Scarmble for Africa? South Africa: University of KwaZuluNatal press.
Indira Campos, A. V. (2008). Angola and China: A Pragmatic Partnership. Washington: Center for
strategic and International Studies.
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Reed, K. (2009). Crude Existence: Enviroment and the Politics of oil in Northern Angola.
Regents, U. (2009). Understanding Sudan: A teaching and Learning Resource, Fact Sheet Seven:
Angola. Retrieved January 28, 2015, from UC Regents: http://understandingsudan.org/
Singoei, K., & Hussein, A. (2007, January 18). A New Scramble for Africa’s Remaining collective
territories; the Trends, tension and challenges. pp. 1-83.
Tipchanta, D. (2012, July). The Scramble for Africa’s OLil: A Blessing or a Curse for AFrican States.
Nottingham, England: University of Nottingham.
Union, A. (n..d). Country Profile: Angola. Addis Ababa: African Union.
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